KMT interest in Tibet during World War II: India - China Roadway + negotiations w Khampa trade firms

reading from scholarship " Tibet and Nationalist China's Frontier: Intrigues and Ethnopolitics, 1928-49" Hsaio-ting Lin ft. #Khampa traders
#东方历史评论 #kokonor
published by University of British Columbia Press
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Church of Scotland Tibetan #WorldMap available for purchase at around 12000 USD on #ABEBOOKS https://www.abebooks.com/maps/Tibetan...
written by 林孝庭 #history #booktube #diaspora
This is part 2 . For part 1: https://www.youtube.com/live/N2kBHyV_7kg
For Part 3: https://www.youtube.com/live/Mh64ajw6TyI
For background on recent political events ft. #India - #China relations by #social media newsperson Sri Shekhar Gupta ji:    • India-China thaw as Spl Reps meet aft...  
Wellington Koo (Gu Weijun): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Welling...
Film footage of Kuomintang Chinese expedition to Tibet 1943 uploaded this year -    • Kuomintang Chinese expedition to Tibe...   "Shen Zonglian(沈宗濂) was appointed director of the Tibet Office of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission by Chiang Kai Shek in August 1943"
Modern day parallels : ""Exclusive Interview with Tenzin Nyibum : "What Really Happened?" (Tibetan democratic discussion)    • "Exclusive Interview with Tenzin Nyib...  
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The Sanskrit word #sandeśa (संदेश) means "message". It can also refer to:
A form of verbal representation, or vācika, in the Nāṭyaśāstra. Vācika is part of abhinaya, the techniques used to communicate the meaning of a drama.
A noun that can also mean "communication of intelligence", "information", "errand", "direction", "command", "order to", "present", "gift", or a particular kind of sweetmeat.
Sandesha Kavya is a term that combines the Sanskrit words sandeśa and kāvya, which means "poem" or "poetry".
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Argument : "the issue of the wartime China-India route should not be looked at from within the traditional analytical frameworks of China versus Tibet, or Han Chinese versus Tibetans. Rather, this issue should be understood in the broader context of the wartime KMT regime’s comprehensive effort to extend its authority west into Central Asia with a view to developing wartime China’s international supply lines. The route via Tibet was one goal, but the Chongqing officials also managed to open several other road routes through both the north and south Xinjiang. One of these routes even passed through the Pamirs, where the reach of the Nationalist authority would have been unimaginable in the 1930s. With the development of these pack routes, it became inevitable that KMT staff, together with Chongqing’s military, political, and economic influence, would gradually infiltrate these remotest outlying regions. Further, in order to secure their administration of these newly opened routes in Central Asia, the wartime Nationalist government began to
feel an urgent need to demarcate the ill-defined national boundaries between
southern #Xinjiang , #Kashmir , and the Pamirs. Around 1942-43, the emergence of internal Waijiaobu study groups focused on these boundary questions, and the increasing advocacy among KMT military leaders for demarcating the disputed boundaries in Central Asia between China, Soviet Russia, and Britain, were clearly the result of a stronger Nationalist presence in Central Asia.
Consequently, links between Nationalist-controlled southwestern China and other Inner Asian peripheries would henceforth be strengthened. The temporary restoration of the Nationalist authority in Xinjiang in 1944-49 could not have been achieved without such a development.
From mid-1937 on, the Sino-Japanese war forced the Nationalist government to engage with the semi-independent warlords in an effort to build a KMTcontrolled state in southwest China. The Japanese imposition of military and economic blockades further compelled the besieged Nationalists to struggle for the survival of their regime by seeking new supply lines in Central Asia. With hindsight, it is one of the ironies of history that the Japanese unwittingly contributed to the partial introduction of the Nationalist authority into Tibet, the southwestern borderlands, and other Inner Asian frontiers, where hitherto the Nationalist influence barely existed. As a result, it was not so much the Chinese “Great Power” that was created in wartime that sought to restore its glorious territorial past in Tibet, as a precarious regime that was grudgingly given an opportunity to advance its influence into China’s traditional outlying territories.