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Deepak draws a distinction between the concept of constitutionalism (the idea of a guiding framework for governance) and the *Constitution* as a specific document. He supports constitutionalism and the principles of democracy and rule of law but argues that the content of the Constitution must reflect India’s civilizational ethos rather than alien ideologies.
He criticizes the Constitution for failing to incorporate the essence of Bharat’s (India’s) cultural and civilizational identity. Instead, it often treats India’s traditions as problems to be reformed, perpetuating a colonial perspective now enforced by an Indian elite (“brown sahibs”).
These principles, rooted in the French Revolution and Enlightenment ideals, may not align with India’s priorities or worldview. Deepak questions whether India’s “Bharatiya Enlightenment” has been adequately explored or articulated in the Constitution.
Deepak questions the universal applicability of democracy, noting that it is a relatively recent concept (500–600 years old) with visible flaws, as seen in post-Cold War democratic challenges. He argues that India’s survival as a unified nation-state since 1947 is not primarily due to the Constitution but rather to the inherent cultural propensity for peace and unity embedded in Bharat’s “sanskriti” (culture).
He cites the example of Chidambaram, a temple town with a large floating population, to argue that India’s peaceful coexistence is due to an “innate cultural barometer” rather than constitutional enforcement. The Constitution, he suggests, does not build on these cultural strengths but often views them as obstacles to reform.
He critiques the imposition of a single democratic model worldwide, arguing that it lacks cultural diversity and ignores the unique historical and social evolution of different societies. India, as a diverse subcontinent, should develop its own governance model, possibly drawing inspiration from systems like Singapore’s, which balances efficiency with local needs.
Deepak strongly critiques the inclusion of secularism in the Preamble, introduced via the 42nd Amendment in 1976, calling it a “catastrophic decision” that has divided India by pitting constitutional values against civilizational identity.
He notes that the word “secular” was deliberately excluded from the original Preamble due to its ambiguous and culturally variable meaning. The 1976 insertion, he argues, has been misused to suppress India’s civilizational identity, creating a false dichotomy between the Constitution and Bharat’s cultural heritage.
In response to an audience question, Deepak addresses the issue of state control over Hindu temples (e.g., taxing temple donations), questioning how this aligns with the principles of secularism and equality. He suggests that when constitutional values like equality and secularism conflict, the document fails to provide clear guidance, leading to cultural grievances.
He advocates for removing “secularism” from the Preamble, arguing that India’s pluralistic identity predates the term and can thrive without it.
Deepak links the Constitution to the education system, arguing that both perpetuate colonial frameworks. He criticizes the emphasis on English as a medium of instruction, which he believes hampers cognitive development and reinforces a colonial mindset.
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